Повязка пока не находится, зато нашла про быка.
S. Weinstock, Divus Iulius, 118-121
Некоторые пояснения. Уэйнсток начинает со следующих сообщений источников:
Dio XLI 39, 2
Later, while he (Цезарь – А.) was sacrificing to Fortune, the bull escaped before being wounded, rushed out of the city, and coming to a certain lake, swam across it. Consequently he took greater courage and hastened his preparations, especially as the soothsayers declared that destruction should be his portion if he remained at home, but safety and victory if he crossed the sea.
Suet. Caes. 59
Он не отложил выступления против Сципиона и Юбы из-за того, что при жертвоприношении животное вырвалось у него из рук.)
А бовилльский бык, о котором он дальше пишет, - это бык, который, согласно легенде, должен был быть принесен в жертву на Альбанской горе, но вырвался и убежал; и на том месте, где его поймали, был основан город Бовиллы. Источник - Schol. Pers. VI 55: "Bovillae... quia aliquando in Albano monte ab ara fugiens taurus iam consecratus ibi comprehensus est, inde Bovillae dictae." "Бовиллы, потому что некогда бежавший от алтаря на Альбанской горе бык, уже посвященный [в жертву], был там схвачен, поэтому называются Бовиллами".
Дальше текст Уэйнстока:
One is inclined to dismiss at least two incidents as fictitious: the sacrifice to Fortuna and Caesar in the fishing boat. The sacrifice to Fortuna was unusual: before departure it was generally offered to Iuppiter on the Capitol. The special sacrifice could only have taken place if Caesar had intended to build a temple of Fortuna at the end of the campaign and made a vow before departure accordingly. The sacrifice of the bull was irregular, a male animal to a female deity. And the escape of the victim could not portend victory: it was always of evil significance. Another tradition attributed it to a later campaign, to the departure to Africa in 47, as an evil omen which Caesar, however, ignored. And yet it may be asserted that it is valuable evidence even if it is not a correct historical record. The bull as victim is justified if, as has already been suggested, it was to create a link with the bull of Bovillae, the home-town of the Iulii: when it first escaped it led to the foundation, its present escape portended victory. The bull portended victory, so to speak, by leading the way for Caesar's legions. This may give an even deeper significance to the incident.
It was customary to carry the picture of an animal in front of the army, above all an eagle; the custom came from the East to Greece and Rome. The Roman legions had five animal symbols before Marius: eagle, wolf, 'Minotaurus' (that is, man-headed bull), horse, boar. Marius kept the eagle and abolished the others. The next innovator was Caesar: his legions had a bull on their standard (pl. 12. 1 —3). It has been assumed that this bull was the Taurus of the zodiac, just as Augustus' legions adopted the Capricorn, his natal star. But as Caesar was not born in the sign of Taurus, it was argued that he chose this sign because Venus, his ancestress, was its protecting goddess. This is a conjecture prompted by the belief that all animal symbols of the legions were, like that of Augustus, astrological in origin, which is demonstrably wrong. Moreover the doctrine about the tutelary deities did not mean so much to Caesar and his contemporaries as to make him decide in its favour instead of his own natal star. But if the bull was not the sign of the zodiac, it must have been again the bull of Bovillae.
The innovation can be dated only approximately. It is most unlikely that Caesar's legions already had the bull on their standards in Gaul: the bull was not a symbol of the Roman State but his own, and he was still no more than a proconsul. The proper date would rather be the beginning of the Civil War, when he reasserted the ancestral tradition of the Iulii by claiming that he was fighting with the help of Venus, that is, the time of the prodigy of the bull. The bull may have been put on the standards before he left for the war against Pompey. The reason for the innovation is not far to seek. It may have been a frequent idea already, as it was later, that the legionary eagle represented the real eagle that would fly as a good augury in advance of the legions on their march. Now it was Caesar's symbol that led the way. It was not a meaningless use of symbols, but should be compared with Constantine's vision in daylight of the cross which was to make him victorious, and even more with his dream before the battle against Maxentius at the Milvian Bridge in a.d. 312. He was advised in this dream to mark the shields of his soldiers with the monogram of Christ to achieve victory; the monogram was later attached to the Christian standard, the Labarum (pl. 13. a). Needless to say, the similarity is so close as to suggest that Caesar's innovation must have been the ultimate precedent for Constantine's dream and subsequent action, probably with intermediary versions of the prodigy or miracle. If so, it was Caesar who first received the divine advice to use his symbol and the prophecy; 'hoc signo victor eris' or touto^ vika. It was an effective way to reassure his soldiers in case they were hesitating to go overseas to fight Pompey; it is possible that he even decorated his ships with the bull. There is no certainty about what really happened. Caesar's idea may have been presented in the form of a dream, in which the divine advice would have come from Fortuna: we know of important dreams of Sulla, Pompey, and of Caesar himself. Or else it may have been presented in connection with the prodigy of the bull as its natural consequence. At any rate, once the precedent was established, Augustus followed with his Capricorn and his successors with other animal symbols. It was probably this bull that L. Livineius Regulus reproduced on the reverse of a denarius in 42, with Caesar's head on the obverse (pl. 13. 3); so too, under Augustus, the mint of Lugdunum in Gaul, where many old legionaries will have been settled (pl. 13. 4.}. The bull or its head on the military standard is often found on legionary or other coinage (pl. 13. 5-6), and on other representations in metal or stone.
Ссылки я варварски порезала, прошу прощения: их много и они очень плохо распознаются. Если интересно, могу выслать сканы страниц.
Но одну все-таки перескажу - там объясняется про прозвище Октавиана. Оказывается, существует объяснение монеты Августа с быком по созвучию: taurus (бык) - Thurinus (Турин/Фурин, его прежний когномен). Этой версии придерживаются Мэттингли и Штейн.
Ну а в эрмитажном каталоге куча ошибок - Паулина например оказалась женой Максимиана Геркулия
